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TIME: Almanac 1995
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<text id=90TT1631>
<title>
June 25, 1990: The Balkans:Wild In The Streets
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
June 25, 1990 Who Gives A Hoot?
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 29
THE BALKANS
Wild in the Streets
</hdr>
<body>
<p>In Romania and Bulgaria, the game has changed but the players
are still former Communists, leaving some spectators unhappy
</p>
<p>By John Borrell
</p>
<p> Ever since taking over from deposed dictator Nicolae
Ceausescu last winter, Romanian leader Ion Iliescu has played
down his Communist background and promised his countrymen a new
democratic era. But actions speak louder than words. By setting
club-wielding miners loose in Bucharest last week to crush
antigovernment protests, Iliescu demonstrated that he was quite
willing to rule by thuggery.
</p>
<p> The Romanian leader's performance as a party boss was a
brutal reminder that while the countries of Central Europe have
removed Communists from positions of any real power, the
Balkans remain dominated by an old order dressed up in new
suits. That fact was reinforced last week when the Bulgarian
Socialist Party, formerly the Communist Party, emerged
victorious in the first free elections since 1931.
</p>
<p> Iliescu's National Salvation Front also prevailed in
elections last month, collecting an astonishing 85% of the
vote. But even the magnitude of the win did not silence a
minority that believes last December's revolution was hijacked
by onetime Communists. Every day hundreds of protesters
gathered in Bucharest's University Square, occasionally
chanting, "The final solution is another revolution!"
</p>
<p> The government tolerated the occupation for nearly two
months, but last week it lost first its patience and then much
of its credibility. Just before dawn on Wednesday, more than
1,000 riot police poured into the square, setting fire to the
tents of hunger strikers and beating 100 dissidents. Within
hours thousands of protesters armed with clubs and petrol bombs
were battling police throughout the city. As black smoke rose
over Bucharest, Iliescu appeared on television to appeal for
support against "a fascist rebellion."
</p>
<p> The next day thousands of miners, brought to the capital
from towns as far as 250 miles away, took control of the city.
Wielding clubs and steel pipes, they set up roadblocks and
demanded identity documents, savagely beating anyone suspected
of opposing the government. By the time calm returned, at least
four people had been killed and hundreds wounded.
</p>
<p> While Romanians assessed how badly their political
environment had been poisoned, Bulgarians were giving their
Communists a second chance. The Socialist Party took 47% of the
vote in the first round of elections despite a strong showing
by the opposition Union of Democratic Forces in the capital of
Sofia. The U.D.F., an alliance of 16 parties and movements,
finished second with 36%. When tens of thousands of U.D.F.
supporters demonstrated in Sofia against the Socialist victory,
police wisely did not intervene.
</p>
<p> Despite their different ways of handling street dissent,
those in power in Bucharest and Sofia share significant
similarities. Just as Iliescu and his supporters seemed
prepared to take over in Romania as soon as Ceausescu was
toppled, Bulgaria's longtime Foreign Minister, Petar Mladenov,
carefully orchestrated the ouster last November of dictator
Todor Zhivkov and then engineered his own succession as
President.
</p>
<p> In both countries it is widely believed that the Soviets,
concerned about the way Communists were being dumped elsewhere,
encouraged party reformers to take over. It was a way of
ensuring that forces hostile to the Soviet Union did not win
power on its southern borders, and provided a possible model
for the Communist Party in the Soviet Union to follow in
securing its own future. "What they have done in Romania and
Bulgaria is change the game without changing the players," said
a Western diplomat in Sofia. But the violence in Romania has
raised questions about the ability of former Communists to stick
to the rules that govern democracy. There were clear
indications last week that the plainclothes police who caused
so much fear during the Ceausescu era were active once again.
The miners may have been willing to come to the aid of the
front because they felt a debt was owed: their salaries were
doubled earlier this year. The workers also have little love
for the intellectuals and students who belong to the
opposition, a class conflict that was exploited by the front.
</p>
<p> Meanwhile, the language of the government's justification
of its actions quivered with the jelly-like rhetoric long
favored by the region's Marxists. "To avoid bloodshed and
disorder," said Iliescu lamely after the miners ransacked the
headquarters of two opposition parties, "the government was
forced to appeal for help." It was just the sort of doublespeak
that Iliescu's onetime mentor, Nicolae Ceausescu, might have
admired.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>